Hemeroteca

MHNH
Número 2 (2002)
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Artículo alojado en InterClassica = Artículo alojado en InterClassica
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MHNH
Artículo Páginas

Ἡ μαγικὴ κακοτεχνία. Materiales para una historia de la magia y la demonología bizantinas

Bravo Martínez, Antonio

This paper tries to present a panoramic view of the Byzantine magic and to analyse some problems on the demonology offered by hagiographical texts. Starting from a close approach to the ambiguity of the religious and magical behaviour in Byzantium, it deals: first, with the terminology used for magic in the Empire; second, with the main magical actions (amulets, enchantments and defixiones, divination, etc.); and lastly, with this question: how the Devil’s activity against the human beings must be interpreted according to the hagiographical texts.

5-70

El tratamiento del material hímnico en los papiros mágicos: el himno δεῦρό μοι

Calvo Martínez, José Luis

The aim of this paper is to make a comparative commentary of a magical hymn which has been incorporated in three different papyri of the Preisendanz’s corpus. This comparative study is made in order to throw some light on the hymn itself and, in addition, on the ways of transmission and manipulation of hymnic material throughout the ages in the field of graeco-egyptian Magic.

71-96

El Milagro de la lluvia, los Julianos et alii

Fernández Fernández, Álvaro

Several literary sources refer to a well-known "rain miracle" which allowed Marcus Aurelius' army a magnificent victory over the Germanic tribes in the 170s A.D. in the Danubian limes. Different versions ascribed the prodigy to the Christians of the 12th Legion of Melitene, Arnuphis the Egyptian, the Emperor's numen, or the Chaldeans. The Christian authors took advantage of the rumour to reassert their loyalty to the Emperor in their apologetic works, basing themselves on a (false) letter written by Marcus Aurelius which proved that the Christians took part in the incident.

97-110

Magia y teúrgia en ‘De mysteriis’ de Jámblico

Ramos Jurado, E. A.

The author of the present article analyses, from an Iamblich perspective, the differences between magic and theurgy, as well as the reasons that led Iamblichus to insist on these differences.

111-127

Salomón, Lilith, san Jorge y el dragón: un ejemplo de reinterpretación mágica en la Antigüedad tardía

Torijano, P.A.

In the following pages, several amulets, on which a peculiar characterization of king Solomon as a horseman appears, will be studied. We will propose a hypothesis of their development regarding their iconography and exorcistic inscriptions. Finally, we will study how these amulets and the figures they depicted were received and transformed in the Christian West into a new legend and iconography.

129-144

Il segreto della Madre Luciente: estasi e teurgia nel sincretismo gnostico

Albrile, Ezio

This paper studies the relations between gnostic syncretism and theurgic mysticism, taking in consideration the ecstatic experience that allows to the initiate to move away from the material world and to rise toward the intelligible Light. Different traditions in the crossroad between East and West narrate this celestial ascent through the ‘planetary worlds’ as the attainment of a state of beatitudine, a condition of luminous purity where the ‘shining Mother’ resides. In the system of the Chaldaean Oracles, this beatitude is divided in three worlds: Love, Truth and Faith, and only in the latter reigns the ‘mother’ Hekate, sovereign of corporeity and of its transcendency.

145-174

La Grande Ourse et le Taureau Apis

Callataÿ, Godefroid de

From a literary joke on the name of Epaphos –a famous bull of Greek mythology– in Aratos' description of the constellation Bootes-Arctophylax, "the Guard of the Bear" (Phaenomena, vv. 91-93), one is lead to wonder why, a long time before the Romans identified its seven stars with the Septem Triones, the Greater Bear could already be associated with the figure of a bull. This article seeks at answering this question by investigating some of the documents, from Classical as well as from Ancient Egyptian iconography, which show us that, from a very early period, this portion of the heavenly vault had been occupied by the Egyptian bull Apis, later identified with the Greek Epaphos.

175-188

Men, un dios lunar, con corona de rayos

Hoz García-Bellido, María Paz de

A short series of epigraphic monuments presents us with an apparently idiosyncratic iconography on the Moon-god Men crowned with sun-rays that awaits for a clarification. Many of the most relevant and characteristic attributes of the Moon-god Men as we know them from funerary imprecations and confessional inscriptions (his importance in judicial appeal, for the protection of tombs and his sovereign-like character) resemble the main features of the Sun god Helios. During Roman-imperial times the rise of the god Men to the highs of a cosmic god made him even more likely to be assimilated with the Sun god (who plays such an important role in the syncretic religion of the time) as epigraphy and Greek magical papyri bear witness of. We may infer that the representation of Men with sun-rays or even the iconography of the sun and the moon as manifestation of Men's attributes are both congruous with his new sphere of power.

189-202

Precedentes de las doctrinas antiastrológicas y antifatalistas de Tertuliano

Alfaro Bech, Virginia
Rodríguez Martín, V. E.

Astrology was practised in the Roman antiquity though the emperors prohibited its practices. Equally in the Jewish world we find zodiacal symbols in the synagogues: astrology was present in Israel's history as in the pagan Greco-Roman world. The history of the early Church will be a struggle against the paganism and concretely against astrology. For his part, Tertullian proposes in his works a curiositas christiana that takes with it a condemnation of the astrological practices, because the Christian doesn't need the curiositas vana from Christ's coming.

203-220

La astrología y los astrólogos en la Antología Palatina: alusiones y paradojas

Galán Vioque, Guillermo

The author studies the references to astrology in the Greek Anthology, analyzing diachronically allusions to and parodies of astrologers and astrological beliefs in epigrams from Hellenistic times to the end of Antiquity.

221-236

Περὶ δείπνου. A propósito de Heph., III 36

Pérez Jiménez, A.

The astrologer Hephaistion (III 36) offers a καταρχή περὶ δείπνου that distributes all the elements of a banquet through the twelve loci of the dodecatropos. The text begins with the mention of the Horoscopus and the Midheaven; then, follows with an enumeration of all the other signs from the third to the twelfh, including their respective associations. In this article we will try to demonstrate: first, that such enumeration does not have to do with the natural order of the dodecatropos; and second, that the structural procedures of this text have a precedent in other astrological texts, especially in Julianus' καταρχὴ περὶ πολέμων (CCAG, V, pp. 183-186).

237-254

Il trattato sulle natività di Eleuterio Zebeleno di Elis

Bezza, Giuseppe

257-300

El mundo ptolemaico en un ‘explicit’ del Ms. 8198 de la B.N.M.

Martínez Gázquez, J.

301-310

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