Hemeroteca
Número 7 (1990)
= Artículo alojado en InterClassica| Artículo | Páginas |
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Cristianismo y Aculturación en tiempos del Imperio Romano: Presentación
González Blanco, Antonino
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9-10 |
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Romanos, pero cristianos. A propósito de algunos cánones del Concilio de Elvira
Sotomayor Muro, M.
Being the general theme of the Congress, CHRISTIANITY AND ACULTURATION IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE, the purpose of this article is to offer some considerations on varios concepts and terminology whose use is necessary when treating these subjects and which are not always in an univocal and clear form. Besides the relations between Christianity and cultures are not completely identifiable with tose that arise between cultures in the normal process of aculturation. The Elvira Concilium offers some examples of that previously mentioned theoretically. |
11-17 |
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La aculturación como modelo de transición social: los mecanismos de la cristianización
Novoa Portela, F.
This communication intends to present a theoretical model which can be applied to the process of Christianization in the Iberian Peninsula. We began with the study of the processes of aculturation: external processes (changes, violent or not, of the social groups in power) and an internal process (the rise of a new social class to power). We believe that Christianity is the principal agent in the process of aculturation, and it could be considered as an internal process, except in certain regions in the North of the Peninsula where it presents an external character due to the prevalence of certain modes of pre-Roman production, and as a consequence the process of Christianization en these regions is not as rapid, nor as pacific, as once believed. |
19-25 |
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Hellénisme et patristique grecque: continuité et discontinuité
Dorival, Gilles
The way in which took place the meeting between the Helenism and the Christianity of the Greek Fathers has provoked contradicting opinions: conflict and antagonism, o continuity and ajustments? Actually one could say that the Greek Patristic is at the same time a continuity and a discontinuity of the Hellenism, as has been shown by the studies of the methodology, of the literary forms, of the rhetoric, of the theology and of the patristic values. |
27-37 |
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L' impact de l' ‘apatheia’ stoicienne sur la pensée chrétienne jusqu' à Saint Augustin
Spanneut, M.
This is a rewiew of the concepts af Apatheia and the state of the investigation at this moment. The areas in which this notion is used in the ancient Christianism are the theological, moral and spiritual. In the theological ambitus the concept is used in relation to the nature of God and the conceptual problems which arise when the subject of the incarnation of the Word is analysed. This question has two parts: the problem of the divine generation and the conceptualization of the incarnation of the Word. In its moral aspect there is a curious divergence between the two halves of the Empire. The term Apatheia is used frequently by the Greek authors such as: Clement of Alexandria, Origenes, Gregory of Nazianzus, Basil of Caesarea, John Chrysostom and Gregory of Nyssa. But in the Western Empire the opposite occurs and the concept does not appear until the fourth century and, generally speaking, there is an open opposition to its use - for example by Ambrosius and Augustine. The stand taken by this last author was probably taken in opposition to the Palegians, the only latin group which held its use in high esteem. From the spiritual point of wiew the situation is similar and John Cassian is the only western author who studied the concept and appreciated its value. The author concludes his exposition setting forth the questions which such documents present. |
39-52 |
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Los gimnosofistas indios como modelos del sabio asceta para cínicos y cristianos
Oliver Segura, J. P.
The Greeks met for the first time the Indian ascetics, whom they called «gimnosophists», during the expedition of Alexander. The cynic Onesicrito was the first to manipulate the image of the gimnosophists when he put in the mouth of these ascetics the idealisms of the cynics. The supposed meeting of Alexander with the gimnosophists evolves from a simple anecdote into a long dialogue (cf. Pap. genev. 271), in which —encratic— doctrines of a gnostic sect which preached asccetism, come to light. This dialogue became very popular when it was included in The Life of Alexander of Macedon by Pseudo-Callisthenes. Later the bishop Paladio used the figure of the gimnosophists to give prestige to the anacoretes that lived in the Egyptian desert; but it also was used in the COLLATIO to make fun of the extremisms of the Christian monks. |
53-62 |
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Algunas consideraciones en torno a los orígenes cristianos en España
Orlandis, J.
It is advisable that the modern history manuals don't omit the mention of the Jacobean traditions when they try to explain the unclear question of the christian origins in Hispania. A hypothetical apostolic trip from the Near East to the Iberian Peninsula was not imposible in the political-economical context of the fírst century. A missionary adventure analogical to that atributed traditionally to Saint James the Apóstol was carried out in the sixth century and in historical conditions less favorable by Saint Martin de Braga. Besides, the Christianization of Galicia seems to be an ancient phenomenon with unique characteristics reflected in the PAROCHIALE SUEVUM. |
63-71 |
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La espiritualización del «Reino» en la línea de «aculturación» del Cristianismo dentro del Imperio Romano
Alonso Díaz, José
The «eternal kingdom» promised by God to David according to the oracle of Natan (2 Sm 7), occupies practically all of the Old and New Testaments of the Bible. The characteristics of this kingdom were primarily political although the fínal aim was the establishment of a state of perfect righteousness on Earth. This promised eternal kingdom of David disappeared with no hope of its returning due to the Babilonian exile although the oracles of the prophets predicted their return in an apoteosical intervention by God. In his sermons Jesus of Nazareth preached the coming of the «Kingdom». For the popular mentality, this Kingdom had a great political promise which was the liberation from the tyranic Romans then occupying Palestine. Jesus was sentenced to death by the Romans accused of being a subersive politician and although the awaited kingdom, as they imagined it, never arrived they continued waiting. In the year 70 A.D., when the romans destroyed Jerusalem, the predicators preached the Christian message in Rome but now all the political aspects of the «coming Kingdom» had to be set aside if a frontal colisión with the Roman Empire was to be avoided. It was then when the spiritual Message of the kingdom was emphazised and the political aspects silenced. The «spiritualization of the kingdom» is a clear case of the phenomenon of aculturation when elements of the Jewish culture passed into the Roman culture where the «kingdom of David» did not have any meaning but a «spiritual kingdom» did. |
73-89 |
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La ‘Vetus Latina’ y la confrontación cultural entre paganos y cristianismo
Moreno Hernández, A.
The Old Latin Versions of the Bible, called Vetus Latina, were one of the main points in the Pagan critique of the Christian doctrines. This Article analyses the arguments of the Pagan authors against Vetus Latina and the answers of the Christians from the second to the fith century A.D. It is possible to discern three arguments, all of them concerning linguistic problems: the short literary quality of Vetus Latina, because of the literalism in the translation technique; the social and cultural background of the Christians, which are considered illiterate persons with a vulgar language; and the textual pluralism, owing to the existence of different versions. |
91-97 |
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Arístides y los cristianos
Gascó de la Calle, Fernando
There is a passage in to Plato. In Defence of Oratory, (III 561B) by Elio Aristides which alludes to persons of disputable identity. The intention of the author is that of identifying them as Christians. |
99-104 |
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Teoría política y aculturación en los apologetas griegos de fines del reinado de Marco Aurelio
González Román, Cristóbal
At the end of the reign of Marcus Aurellius we find in the writings of Meliton of Sardes and of Atenagoras the appearance of precise reflexions on the characteristics of the royalty and on the transmission of the royal power which denotes the existence of a process of helenistic aculturation of Christianity. |
105-114 |
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Teja Casuso, R.
The author attempts to answer some of the problems of a historical nature raised by the well-known Epistle 67 of Ciprianus of Carthage. He presents historical and gramatical arguments, some of which are proposed for the first time while others are now old but are reworked within the context of the history of the Roman Empire and of the Church in the 3rd century. The aim is to show that Marcial was bishop of Leon-Astorga and was replaced by Felix and that Basilides was bishop of Merida and his successor was Sabino. The author also attempts to explain the existence of a double episcopal see, Leon-Astorga, based on the peculiarities of Leon as cannabae legionis and the rapid spread of Christianity in this legionary sttlement. |
115-124 |
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Alegorismo pagano y alegorismo cristiano en Orígenes. La polémica contra Celso
Ramos-Lissón, D.
It draws our attention the use of allegorisms in the Celsian controversy as a weapon against the Christians. Celso disauthorized the use of the allegory which the christians applied to the Bible considering that this was patrimony of the grek mythology. In his CONTRA CELSUS, Origen demonstrates the impropriety of the celsian attitude on this matter. With impeccable logic he demonstrates why the reasons which Celso proposes to defend the use of allegorisms to explain the greek myths are applicable with still more reason to the Truth revealed in the Holy Scriptures because this is substantially a rhetorical metaphor which in itself is only a simple methos of exposition. Also highlighted in this study are the two viewpoints of each of the opponents, resulting evident the superior coherence and better treatment of the subject which can be observed in the works of Origen in contrast to that of his dialectical adversary. |
125-136 |
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Saint Cyprien et les barbares africains (epist. 62)
Kotuła, Tadeusz
The relations between Romans and autochthonous in northern Africa normally must have been pacific although on occasions living together gave rise to problems which resulted in military conflicts. Our knowledge of the evolution of the society in the third century is very poor due to the lack of literary documents. Because of this short comming the epigraphic evidence plays an important role, and also the works of S. Cyprian, written during this period, assumes a position of out standing interest. Around 253, when an insurrection broke out in the eastern part of Mauritania and in Numidia, Cyprian wrote his epistle n. 62 to the eight bishops of the diocesis located in these territories, sending at the same time money to pay the ransom of those captured by the barbarians. The author tries to determine the particularities and the content of the barbarian offense basing his study on the data provided in the letter and from what we know of the period in that area. The personality of S. Cyprian and his writings are re-examined in order to obtain a deeper knowledge of the third century. |
137-142 |
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Los sueños de Constantino en autores paganos y cristianos
Rodríguez Gervás, M. J.
The purpose of this comparative study of the narrations of the dreams and celestial visions of Constantine as recorded in the Panegyric VII and X and in the writings of Lactantius and Eusebius of Caesarea is the search for the similarities and differences that these present. In Panegyric VII the site where Constantine had his vision is situated in Gallia, probably in the far north, in a temple dedicated to Apollo whose characteristics the author tries to identify in this study. The panegyric X, delivered in the year 321, mentions that, when his army was ready to depart from the Gallia and return to Italy, celestial armies appeared before the Emperor. Around 313, Lactantius mentions the vision by Constantine of a labarum, whose form the author tries to identify, presenting the arguments defended by the historians: this vision is located near the Milvius bridge. Eusebius of Caesarea, in the Vita Constantini, chapters 28 and 29, narrates two apparently differents visions, one of which is similar to the one described by Lactantius. It's generally said that there are no great differences between the Christian and pagan authors but they do differ at the moment they set forth their ideas. The similarities that appear can be explained on the ground of the rhetorical and aulical methods. |
143-150 |
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Hagiografía y método prosopográfico. A propósito de las Acta Martyrum
Bravo Castañeda, Gonzalo
The object of this paper has been to set limits to the traditional relation between the hagiography and prosopographical method. Here the used documents are the so-called ACTA MARTYRUM, which naturally contain some doubtful facts such as names of persons and cities, dates, etc. But this does not mean that all the data should be rejected just because not all of the persons or events mentioned are not historically accurate. The results are based on twenty of these documents, which seem to present less historical errors. |
151-157 |
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La croix et les idoles d'après l'Apologie d'Athanase Contre les païens
Beatrice, Pier Franco
Through the analysis of some significant passages of Athanasius' apology «Against the Pagans on the Incarnation of the Word», and also thanks to their comparison with other selected texts by the same author, P. F. Beatrice tries to date this still problematic work to around the middle of the fourth century. In particular, he intends to show that Athanasius did know the Neoplatonic philosophy of his time sufficiently well and that the target of his polemic was especially Porphyry. But anti-pagan criticism also supplies Athanasius with a substantial support in his struggle with the Arian heresy which had been shared by his great precursor and adversary Eusebius of Caesarea. |
159-177 |
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Teología política de Juliano como expresión de la controversia paganismo-cristianismo en el siglo IV
Hidalgo de la Vega, María José
This study is an endeavour to analyse and explain the political theology of Julian based on the specific and detailed study of his most representative speeches on this subject. At the same time it becomes evident that the political theology adquires the form of expression of the ideological-religious fights in the pagan-Christian disputes which developed in the fourth century A.D. |
179-195 |
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El cristianismo y las mutaciones sociales del noroeste peninsular
Plácido Suárez, D.
The ancient Christianity entered into Galicia in two waves, representatives of the process of aculturation in this area. The first wave, bearers of the Priscilianism, persisted in the violent branch of the Monks. The second wave, heir to the transformations which took place after Martin of Dumium meant the alineation of the rural system to a new facet of the Christianism which had reached again the town comming from the rural world and for that reason resuted to be effective in this same environment. |
197-205 |
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Religiosidad cósmica y simbología pagana en Prisciliano
Fernández Ardanaz, Santiago
The present investigation is interdisciplinary: beginning with a philological analysis it continues in the fields of philosophy, antropology and theology, with the proposition of clarifying the Priscilian historical position in the endoculturation of Christianism in the Later Roman Empire. Starting with an hermeneutic analysis of the literary genres of the texts atributed to Priscillianus. Analyses the attitude of this author opposite that of the Iberian and Roman culture (traditio paterna, philosophia mundi, historia saeculi, opera mundi), following step by step the accusations of the anti-Priscilian tradition in acordance with the anti-heretic rhetoric. Entering into the position of Priscillianus facing the culture centered on his vision of the «symbola et formae idolicae, imprompta et signa visibilia» the symbols, signs and names of the traditional paternal culture are in themselves limited and weak, useful at their best as «ad instructionem ingenii». Besides, due to the corruption introduced by means of sin, the world and the social and cultural structures, this same history of man has remained to be dominated by a perverse system of relations. Therefore the «cultural indications of the paternal tradition» have converted into «ties of esclavitud and blindness» (demonolatria). For Priscillianus, the novelty of the Christianism consisted in a «labour of liberation» from these ties. Therefore, for him, after the «liberation produced by Christ» all the terrenal and historical reality returned to its «original and primitive» reality; the world converted into a place of freedom: the things, the visible signs and the rites have come to symbolize the reunion of men with the source of reality. Therefore the new «liturgia» of Priscilliano, the dance, the songs, the new aproximations to Nature «disenchanted and liberated from the spell of the Devil», and the free search for the infinite «ways» and means of God to reveal Himself to man, that reach further than «iter securum catholicae dispositionis» (and for this reason the rebirth of the native cultures in the NW of Hispania. The work of Priscillianus appears from this philosophical and theological perspective as that of a reformer of the Church, of the culture and of the society: it centers the opposition between the «historia saecularis» and the «historia prophetica». From this perspective, the Trinity and Christological theology of Priscillianus appears as the metaphysical basis of his ecclesiological and social position: the negation of all subordination before the divine persons and the oneness of the spirit during its comunication with man gives base to a society «between iguals and free man», with numerous «means of comunication», such as presentation and comunications of God by way of visible signs. The new vision of the culture implies a new structuration of the society, a change of the old values based on the «traditio paterna» or «signa mundi» (hierarchization, limits and ties, money and prestige), and new relations in the «convesatio mundi». The study finishes analysing the social consequences and specifically the position of «the rich» in the Priscillian society. |
207-235 |
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Tradición y novedad en las leyes contra la magia y los paganos de los emperadores cristianos
Salinas de Frías, M.
The legislation against magic practices and paganism of the Christian emperors presents certain aspects of continuity and at the same time a rupture respecting what was the usual practice of the magistrates and Roman emperors in regard to the religio and perstitio. Although, from the political point of view, there exists a certain degree of continuity with the preceeding period which should be evaluated in order to understand the legislation of the Christian emperors, the adoption of Christianism interupts this alterating the image of the historical period and the tradional respect towards the mores which also implicated the religion. |
237-245 |
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Usurpación y religión en el s. IV d. de C. Paganismo, cristianismo y legitimación política
Escribano Paño, María Victoria
The first part of this study analyses the reasons underlying the identification of the usurper with the ideological figure of the tyrant, and also the place occupied by the term «impiety» amongst the infamous characteristics peculiar to the typical portrait of this figure since its genesis in the framework of the Atenas post-Clistenical. In the second part, with these theoretical suppositions as a background, the author explains and documents the utilization of the religion as a means to legitimate the power of Maximus obtained by the force of arms, and whose intervention in the Priscillian certamen complied to his purpose of justifying before the Apostolic See and the Court of Constantiople where he seeked to be recognized as the Emperor worthy of the PARS OCCIDENTIS. |
247-272 |
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‘Seccessus in villam’: la alternativa pagana al ascetismo cristiano en el círculo de Ausonio
Lomas Salmonte, F. J.
The purpose of this paper is to emphasize one of the most peculiar elements which charcterized the Late Latin Roman world. It was perfectly described by Ausonnius who, with his circle of friends, participated fully in the secessus in uillam. This was based on three elements: A) the taste for a good table; B) the common bond of literary activities; and C) the need of good friends eager to share A) and B). |
273-286 |
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El término ‘ergastulum’ en la primera literatura monástica (ss. IV-V)
Torres, J. M.
The fundamental object of this study is that of demonstrating that from the last haif of the fourth century some of the texts of the monastic literature utilize the term ergastulum as a synonym for the monks cellula. Due to a semantic assimilation which takes into account the concepts of «isolation», «solitude» and «punishment», certain late latin authors used ergastula to designate the private cells of the monks disregarding whether they lived in communities or were anachorètes, giving a metaphoric use to the term. This argumentation departs from other opinions of modern scholars who interpret the ergastula as being special cells of punishment according to the original meaning of the word. |
287-290 |
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La tonsura como objeto de reglamentación canónica en las diócesis de occidente
Conde Guerri, Elena
The subject of tonsure entered into the christian literature towards the middle of fourth century and it takes root during the fifth and sixth centuries. This article brings together the data related to the subject of hair in the pre-christian era, such as Biblical and Hellenistic-Roman references. It is during the middle of the fourth century when, with the intention of defining the forms of behaviour which distinguish the Christians from the pagans, it is taken into account the hair style. First the monks, and shortly afterwards the secular clergy, enter into the theme. The criterium which directs them to adopt this position emanates from a tradition which the Liber Pontificalis dates to the second century during the papacy of S. Anicetus. Vague references to the subject appear in the Synod of Gangra and in the fourth Synod of Carthage in the fourth century, and in the fifth century in the council of Angers and in the first Irish Synod. Tonsure is also mentioned in the second council of Toledo and the second Council ef Braga in the sixth century and, in the seventh century, its undisputed use is mentioned in the fourth Council of Toledo. Hispania plays an important role in its development. |
291-299 |
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La configuración del cristianismo como religión cósmica. El testimonio de San Juan Crisóstomo
González Blanco, Antonino
Basing his study on the arguments used by Saint John Crisostom against those who refuted his explication of the Bible and of the criteria of the Christian way of life found therein, the author sets out to demonstrate how a new form of Christianism begins to take shape. Its principal characteristics can be conceived as those of a «cosmic religion» based in Nature (a form of Nature done by the faith - it's truth) but at the same time different, at least in dinamism, from the concept of the primitive Christianity, which remained alive up to the days when the Holy Bishop of Constantinople taught. |
301-312 |
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Morano, C.
The purpose of this study of the position and the role of women as recorded in the works of St. Agustin, is to establish the diferences between the pagan cultural heritage and the Christian influences. The classical Greek and Latin cultures were characterized by a dominant androcentrism which meets head on with the new Christian influences. After an analysis of the texts of Agustin the author discovered the existence of a certain tension between the two points of view: on one hand, the idea of women being inferior, based on the Platonic and Neoplatonic influences: and on the other hand, (the Christian view as expressed in the texts of S. Agustin) the equal status shared by men and women, not only as Children of God but also in the married state. |
313-318 |
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Los argumentos de Orosio en la polémica pagano-cristiana
Martínez Cavero, P.
In his HISTORY, Orosius attacks the pagans, developing some arguments that we study here. He compiles from other author's works the misfortunes that took place in history and compares them with the ones of his time, affirming that the former are seen as less grave for having become literary topics. He rests importance to the fall of Rome in 410 and fills the narration with providential facts. He also defends the antiquity and universality of Christianity, as well as the unity of the history of all the humanity, which he articulates around the theory of the four Monarchies of Daniel. The Roman Republic is deprived of its myth but he appraises Augustus'monarchy, integrating some pagan concepts in the Christian vision of history. He finally demonstrates that Christianity is not the cause of the decadence of Rome because the Empire itself is the product of Christianity. |
319-331 |
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As new eyewitness of the barbarian impact on Spain
Frend, William Hugh Clifford
The recently discovered Divjak letters of St. Augustine have thrown new light on conditions in Tarragona in the early years of the barbarian invasions. While Hydatius and Paulus Orosius portray the horror of those times, a letter from a certain Consentius, resident in Minorca to Augustine (letter 11) leaves a different impression. Consentius had sent a monk, Fronto to the province to report on the activities of the priscillianists there. From Fronto's report it is clear that by 417 the interest of the populace was being stirred by religious faction. The barbarians though still feared had become little more than a nuisance, one more danger travellers must guard against. The return of relative peace provides a background to Orosius' optimistic hopes for a romano-gothic commonwealth that would restore the imperial grandeur of Rome. Consentius is an excellent witness to this interlude of hope before the final collapse of the empire in the west in the 430. |
333-341 |
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Historia y profecía en el donatismo tardío: el Liber Genealogus
Beltrán Torreira, Federico Mario
Although the Christian historgraphy, after the deep revisión carried out by Eusebius of Cesarea, abandoned its original characteristics of confrontation with the Roman Empire and millenary hopes, the same did not occur with Donatism which remained tied to the historical vision of the epoch of the persecutions. This conservative attitude is evident in the LIBER GENEALOGUS, the Latin version of the CHRONICA by Hipolitus of Rome. There are three known editions of this CHRONICA, published in 405/411, 427 and in 438, under the Donatist influence in Carthage. For this reason the publication of 438 is particularly interesting because it not only compares, as the previous ones, the persecutions carried out by the pagan emperors with the measures taken by Honorius against the schismatics, but also goes so far as to consider the incarnations of the Anti-Christ in the Vandal king Genseric and in the Praetorian Perfect, Antemius. A last version, this one Catholic, redacted in 455/63, and notable for its Biblical knowledge, abandons these asumptions, deploring the assassination of Valentinianus III as a catastrophe which marks the inminent end of the world. The progresive integration of the last Donatist circles in the bosom of the Catholic Church had in this way permitted the recuperation of a labor which, now void of its explicit political content, maintained however untouched its strong escatological content. |
343-351 |
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Destrucción de mosaicos mitológicos por los cristianos
López Monteagudo, Guadalupe
The destruction of the pagan works of art by the Christians, verified in numerous occasions by the ancient authors, is confirmed in various Roman mosaics in the Iberian Peninsula. In these it is posible to appreciate an intentional desire to erradícate certain scenes with mythological contexts, and this type of destruction has also been verified in mosaics found in other parts of the Empire. Of the twelve examples cited by the authors, 10 correspond to Bacchical scenes which surely means a reaction against the rebirth of the paganism and particularly of the cults of Venus and Bacchus which took place at the end of the fourth century in the north of África. |
353-365 |
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Temas de mitología pagana en iglesias cristianas de Oriente
Blázquez Martínez, José María
The utilization by the Christians of scenes taked from the classical mythology is proved in the mosaics of various churches not only in the Eastern Empire but also in the Western. Especially the Dionisiac themes, such as the recollection and the trampling of the grapes by foot, passed on to the christian symbology due to the resurrection character allusive to the Eucharist. Other pagan scenes adopted by the Christians were the Triumph of Dionisius, the Works of Hercules and the Legend of Hipolytus. All of which demonstrate that the Christian artists had a grand knowledge of the classical mythology. |
367-384 |
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La política religiosa del Imperio Romano y la cristiandad hispánica durante el siglo V
Vilella Masana, J.
In the fifth century Hispanic Catholic ecclesiastics —some of whom fled from the Peninsula due to the irruption of the barbarians— continued to depend from the Roman Empire to defend their political and religious orthodoxy, which at this moment coincides with the aims of the Empire. Both the Emperor and the Pontifice pursue the restoration of the Hispanic unity so as to secure the Roman order and restore their own authority, helping the Hispanic people against the barbarians and the heretics. |
385-390 |
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«Custodia legum ciuilitatis est indicium». Teodorico l' Amalo e la civiltà romana
Saitta, B.
The ciuilitas of Thedoric not only can be appreciated in his desire to restore the ancient buildings and in the obvious refinement of the gifts he gave to Clodoveus and Gundobadus but also in his consideration towards the individual conscience of his subjects. His attitude in the religious ambitus is one of moderation and tolerance which converts him almost into a modern iluminated spirit. The cohesive force between the elements which compose his kingdom had to be based on the maintenance of the Law. This was his main preoccupation: with this in mind he gave orders to generals, praised the Senate, remonstrated all those who broke the laws, exalted those who worked in their keeping and punished the lawbreakers. The principal aim of his government was to maintain the ciuilitas. For this reason he favoured actions such as mixed marriages which helped the Goths enter into the romanitas and encouraged the implantation of the Roman civilization amongst the Gepids. That was the signification he gave to the wars carried out in the Gallia in 508. This image of him was real and he was described in an inscription as custos libertatis et propagator Romani nominis. |
391-403 |
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El papa Inocencio I ante las tradiciones religiosas paganas
Montero Herrero, S.
In this communication an analysis is made of the events which took place in the year 408 A.D., during the seige of Rome by the troops of Alaric and particularly the attitude of the Pope Inocencio I in the face of the reaction of the pagan groups. The historical veracity of the texts of Zosimus regarding this episode is defended. |
405-412 |
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¿Petronio en la biblioteca de San Isidoro de Sevilla?
Rodríguez Morales, J.
The author begins his study with an appraisal of the quotations from the Satyricon which appear in the Etymologiae of S. Isidore and later reviews the sources of the Isidorian works. He likewise studies the characteristics of the way the Sevillian worked and his poor critical capacity. The article centers on the significance of the works of Petronius and reaches the conclusion that the Saint must have had in his hands a complete copy of the work because his manner of citing seems to exclude the possibility of having used a florilegium. The author thinks that it's very probable that the copy Isidore had, must have been much more extensive than that which we have today. |
413-418 |
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La tradición helenística y la iconografía del helenismo en Bizancio
Elvira Barba, Miguel Ángel
The present study analyses the evolution of the components in the iconographie outline of the Baptism from its Paleochristian origins until its last enrichments in the Late Bizantine Age. It is an attempt to demonstrate up to what point the Bizantine artists, thanks to their profound knowledge of the Graeco-Roman art, could little by little rediscover a system of religious representation which had been used in the Pompeian painting and in the Imperial pagan sarcophagi. |
419-429 |
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Reutilizaciones de material romano en edificios de culto cristiano
Caballero Zoreda, Luis
In this study an analysis is made of the vestiges which the aculturation brought about by the Christianization of the paganism left behind in certain material structures, particulary in the construction of the churches, the altar bases and in the paraliturgical elements such as screenplates' thresholds, the holy water basins, the offering boxes, the pedestals of the arches and supports. The re-used elements are materials of construction and inscriptions, especially the aras, stelas and boundary marks and milestones. Various types of questions are taken into consideration: the correlation between the written sources and the archaeological information; the possible types of relationships between their pagan and Christian uses and of their conversion; and the chronology (particularly between the fifth and tenth centuries) and the geographical distribution of these elements and of the types of re-utilization. A catalogue of materials is included. |
431-485 |
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El elemento acuático en las iglesias visigodas
Veas Ruiz, N.
The article begins remindering the lector of our lack of information in regards to the origin of the christian places of worship and attempts to penetrate more deeply into the problem, trying to establish the relationship, certain or possible, between the christian centers of worship and ancient water cults. The authors refer to the documents which supply us with information on these cults and comment on the symbolism which the water has always had in all the cultures. They also mention some cases in which a Chistianization of the ancient water cults took place and remind us of the existence of several temples of the Visigothic period which reveal a close relationship with the aquatic uses of the pagan era. The article ends with an outline of the panoramic vision of the problem of the Christianization of pagan cults. |
487-493 |
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La obra legislativa de Justiniano y la Cristianización del cosmos
González Fernández, Rafael
The religious legislation of the Emperor Justinian was published during a period of ideological strictness. Nevertheless we find in his work not only a large quantity of traditional legislation with evident pagan precedents but also new laws which gather together the spirit and way of thinking of the new times. These laws will be the expression of all the thinking of this new period based on the dominating criterium provided by the Christian cosmology. |
495-518 |
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Obispo, comunidad y organización social: el caso de la ‘Vita Emiliani’
López Campuzano, M.
This article analyses how the function of a Christian cultural center, concretely that of Aemilianus, acted as a factor of social aglutination using the social function of redistribution in areas where the native pagan communities were still latent and contributing in this way to an aculturation process versus conversion. |
519-530 |
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El monacato y la cristianización del NO. hispano. Un proceso de aculturación
Díaz Martínez, Pablo de la Cruz
The present work aspires to explain in what way the monastic institutionalization was the vehicle that made possible the definitive, and late, Christinaization of the NW of the Iberian Peninsula. The monasticism was, in essence, a mechanism of organization capable of integrating the traditional peasant way of life with the Christian values. The peasant communities found in the monastic practices the best Christian adaptation with the level of development of their social and economic structures. |
531-539 |
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Cristianismo y aculturación en la política de Justiniano (según Procopio de Cesarea)
Martín Conesa, R.
The author studies the union of the greek-roman philosophy of the kingship and that of the Jewish-Christian theology and the fusion of the hellenistic cosmologico-political ideas with the Christian theological ideas, basing his investigations on the conceptualization of the question of the conversion of the barbarians; the way the Emperor treats the heretics; and in the treatment of the paganism more or less related to certain nacionalisms. The article finishes analysing the opinion of the historian Procopius on the subjects here under study. |
541-549 |
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El cristianismo y los habitantes de las montañas en época romana
Collins, Roger
The question of when the Basques were converted to Christianity has been long debated, with the answers given ranging over a period extending from the fourth century at the earliest to the twelfth at the latest. Proponents of both the early and the late dates for the conversion have considerable strength in their arguments. In trying to resolve this problem it is necessary to take account of changes in ethnic self-perception in the Upper Ebro Valley and Western Pyrenees, especially in the period of the dissolution of the Western Roman Empire and the formation of the Visigothic kingdom in the Iberian peninsula. Changes in Basque attitudes towards their neighbours were largely the product of altered political and economic circumstance that were triggered off by the dissolution of the Roman state. One major consequence of this was the growth of division and mutual hostility between mountain-dwelling pastoralists and lowland agriculturalists in the Western Pyrenees. Both of these two economic groups had, until the early fifth century, coexisted under the single ethnic label of Vascones, a name of considerable antiquity, but from then on a sharp sense of ethnic differentiation emerged between the two communities. Thus it is possible to reconcile evidence for the early conversion of one section of Basque population and for the late acceptance of Christianity on the part of another, once this radical disjunction in a previously unified sense of identity be appreciated. |
551-557 |
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Elementos religioso-bíblicos en fórmulas y documentos de época visigoda
Velázquez Soriano, I.
This paper offers as material to analyse the echo that the religious elements, especially those of Biblical character, have in the formal langage of the legal documents by means of a brief rewiew of the Visigothic, Toronensic (etc.) collections of formulas. From the mere mention of God or Christ in the heading of the documents, or their invocation, to the quotation of Biblical passages, cited literally or in adapted form, includying the references to the Holy Texts although erroneous, are used as a note of distinction in the documents. |
559-566 |
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El ara romana de Suatorre de Ambía (Orense) y sus inscripciones
Rivas Fernández, J. C.
In this article the authors study a Roman ara later christianised which was found in Suatorre de Ambia (San Esteban de Ambia, Baños de Molgas, Orense) whose primitive inscription was erased in the Erly Middle Ages. In this epigraphical space, and on both sides of the ara was engraved a doule text of deposition of relics and in which is mentioned a certain person, Analous, who was probably one of the unknown bishops of the Auriense diocesis. As in many other such cases which exist in Galicia, its ancient focus was enlarged, squared and deepened to serve as a receptacle for the Christian relics. The hypothesis utilized is that at least one of the texts embossed in relief can be dated between the first years of the eleventh century and the beginning of the last third of the century. This is deduced from the fact that only one kilometer away is located the pre-Romanic chapel of Santa Eufemia de Ambia where fragments of an inscription of the Mozarabic period, with a similar type of letter and technique, were found. The final conclusion, that this may be an ara which supported one of the lateral altars in the afore mentioned pre-Romanic chapel, is based on the fact that there exists a primitive triple advocation to the Saviour, Saint Mary and Saint Eufemia equal to one that still can be observed on the central altar which is supported by a Roman ara with an inscription dedicated to the Water Nymphs. |
567-578 |
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Una singular lucerna paelocristiana en Cieza
Salmerón, J.
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581-584 |
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Salmerón, J.
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585-587 |
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Lápida cristiana en Jumilla
Hernández Carrión, Emiliano
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588 |
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Dos lucernas norte-africanas con simbología cristiana. Calle Orcel-Don Gil, 21-25
Láiz Reverte, María Dolores
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589-591 |
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Dos lucernas paleocristianas de la calle Cuatro Santos (Cartagena)
Marín Baño, Carmen
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592-593 |
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Fragmentos de lucernas tardías procedentes de la calle San Antonio el Pobre de Cartagena
Martín Camino, M.
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594-595 |
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Lucerna de tipo norte-africano con representación de ángel procedente de la calle Orcel, nº 3
Pérez Adán, L. Miguel
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596-597 |
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El yacimiento del cerro del Calvario (Coy, Lorca)
Martínez Rodríguez, A.
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598-600 |
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Una cuenta de collar tardorromana de origen egipcio en el museo arqueológico de Lorca
Martínez Rodríguez, Andrés
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601-603 |
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607-624 |
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Recensiones
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627-637 |
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El Prof. J. Straub o la fuerza de la tradición histórica alemana: filología e ideología
González Blanco, Antonino
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641-647 |
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Straub, J.
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649-667 |
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